LOOKING AROUND : Demonsration on my street
By Barbara Sofer
Dec. 19, 2002
My Jerusalem neighborhood is known for the battle for the San Simon Monastery,
part of the three-pronged Jebussi Operation to secure Jewish Jerusalem
in the months before the 1948 War of Independence.
Called both Katamon and Gonen, our part of town is usually quiet, a model
of moderation and tolerance, with both observant and non-observant residents,
and a variety of synagogues that attract young people from all over the
city. Streets are open on Shabbat, but traffic is minimal.
One landmark on Rehov Hahish, now a private home, was the old Hotel Semiramis,
blown up by the Hagana. Another house dates from the Turkish era. These
sites attract walking tours of Israelis devoted to Jerusalem history and
architecture.
But the group that has been gathering on my street for the past several
weeks isn't seeing a history lesson. Placard-carrying protesters, mostly
women, are positioned outside the home of neighbor Rivka Glatt.
A police officer and lawyer, Glatt serves as prosecutor for the Judea-Samaria
Region. Protesters claim that her recommendations to the court are draconian.
Oddly, this isn't the first act of dissent on our short street. Last
summer, protesters accosted Attorney-General Elyakim Rubinstein, praying
in the Shtiblach Synagogue, close to Glatt's home.
My negative visceral reaction to demonstrations at the homes of public
servants derives from a friend's traumatic childhood memories of demonstrations
against her pathologist father for a hospital's position on autopsies.
I would rather see demonstrations at places of work.
But that's not the reason I'm hearing alarm bells over this small and
mostly orderly demonstration on my street.
Glatt has been targeted for calling for what the demonstrators perceive
as harsh and unfair treatment. They believe that the residents of Judea
and Samaria are being hounded, so they are exercising their democratic
right to hound back. Women for Israel's Tomorrow leader Nadia Matar, among
the demonstrators, blames Glatt for causing unnecessary suffering to the
families of the accused.
In particular, these protests address a ruling concerning Hebron political
activist and Knesset candidate Baruch Marzel. Accused of striking a police
officer in the demonstrations over the Gilad Farm in October, Marzel was
prohibited from returning to his home in Hebron during the pretrial period.
This is not the place to argue the rights and wrongs of Marzel's case.
Because she's a uniform-wearing policewoman and public servant, Glatt
is prohibited from giving interviews. Regional police spokesman Ch.-Supt.
Rafi Yafe insists that Marzel's lawyers consented to the pretrial arrangements.
What alarms me after listening to the demonstrators and those who oppose
them is the depth of frustration and resentment on both sides. The demonstrators'
complaints are not aimed at Glatt alone. They believe the Israeli police
and legal system are rigged against them, that they are unfairly blamed
for the ills of the country, that they are harshly penalized for offenses
waved away for other interest groups.
More than that, they believe the police and justice systems are carrying
out a campaign to embroil activists in debilitating legal cases and to
frighten away potential supporters. And remember, these right-wing activists
feel downtrodden under the most right-wing government in Israel's history.
Are they being paranoid?
Not if I can gauge by the reaction of a sample of my neighbors, who are
mostly religious, university educated, and not particularly politically
active. Nearly everyone I surveyed felt sympathy for Glatt and antagonism
toward the demonstrators. Marzel was not the issue.
The demonstration touched off more generalized resentment over the actions
of settlers, particularly anger over the recent incidents in the Gilad
Farm. Said one neighbor: "The settlers are endangering the country.
They're able to manipulate the government to act against the national
interests. They simply can't conceive that others don't see issues from
their perspective."
These reactions were elicited at a time when no peace talks are on the
table and there was no struggle over evacuating settlements.
This conflict is not between religious and non-religious. Both Rubinstein
and Glatt are observant. Glatt grew up in Kedumim, in Samaria. I reject
the insulting claim by the demonstrators that these public figures are
harsher to their own because they need to impress non-observant overlords.
What is shaping up is a dangerous fight laced with anger, frustration,
smugness, and a feeling by both sides that the other is manipulating democratic
institutions to suit its own non-democratic agenda. We had a bitter taste
of such a clash in the ill-considered Gilad Farm demonstration and the
government's ill-considered reaction. Instead of recognizing the destructive
power of such conflicts, both sides are digging in their heels instead
of looking for channels of communication.
"Rivka Glatt is one link in a chain of justice. We won't let the
demonstration deter us from enforcing the law," said police spokesman
Yafe. Dissatisfaction and irritation at not being heard rankles one side,
while an escalating anger at being manipulated festers in the other.
We simply cannot afford to implode.
Palestinian terror keeps us distracted from resolving troubling issues.
Ironically, the holding pattern has given us time to address the conflict
brewing in our own society. When and if we get beyond the war with the
Palestinians, if we need to consider those "painful concessions"
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon so frequently talks about, we need to be sure
we can avoid civil war while making peace.
Any new government needs to immediately address the discord between those
who are willing to compromise on settlements to achieve peace and security
and those who believe that only additional settlements will bring peace
and security. This needs to be done before the possibility of withdrawal
fans tensions to a blaze. Voices of moderation need to be cultivated and
a modus vivendi for hearing both sides needs to be nurtured. Private and
public institutions with experience in conflict resolution - places like
the Peres Peace Center and the Shalom Hartman Institute - should be enlisted
to create bridges over the growing rift.
In 1948, the battle for the St. Simon Monastery and the Katamon neighborhood
was commanded by a young Palmah fighter named Yitzhak Rabin. His memory
will be well-served if the demonstration on my street wakes us up so that
we extinguish the bonfires before they become infernos.
|